When we say we are proposing an “Agreed Ireland” we mean those words absolutely literally

Over the summer I have been reading PJ McLoughlin’s new book ‘John Hume and the revision of Irish Nationalism’ which explores in great detail John’s contribution to nationalist thinking in Ireland.

At the heart of Hume’s ideology and mine is the concept of an “Agreed Ireland” or unity of people, which will ultimately create the conditions for reconciliation, reform and reunification.

Mc Loughlin notes how the IRA’s terror campaign and Hume’s subsequent moves to end it through dialogue with Sinn Fein made it very difficult for many Unionists to accept his word when he talked about an “Agreed Ireland”.

He knew this was an issue. Speaking to Barry White in the early 80’s he pointed out that “agreement between all sides need not necessarily be the emergence of a unitary state”. This reflected the fact that the SDLP has always been willing to explore other models of governance on this island. 

In his conference speech in 1982 Hume spoke about the need to build unionist confidence in the concept of an agreed Ireland. Addressing unionist folk directly he said:

I know that many of you do not realise that when we say that we are proposing “Agree Ireland” we mean those words absolutely literally. We mean an “Agreed Ireland” that you would decisively help to shape.

At the height of the Hume – Adams talks writing in the Belfast Telegraph, John sought to assert his belief that a united Ireland would by definition have to be a new Ireland and that the least likely model to succeed would be a traditional unitary state.

The SDLP has always espoused and respected the principle of consent and remains committed to the creation of an “Agreed Ireland”. ….. Our commitment to real agreement and respect for the legitimacy of both traditions has been reflected in our proposal that any Agreement arising from talks should be subject to dual referenda, i.e. in the north and the south on the same day. This ….. means that such an agreement would earn and enjoy the allegiance of Unionists because it would be validated by a majority in the North. Equally, it would earn and enjoy the allegiance of nationalists because it would be validated by a majority of the people of Ireland as a whole.

In John’s own words “we are not therefore seeking a solution made solely in the image of the nationalist tradition. Nor can we accept as a solution arrangements made solely in the image of the unionist tradition”.

This basic analysis is shared by the current SDLP leadership. Despite Sinn Fein claims that a unitary state is around the corner the simple fact remains that the only way we can unite the people of Ireland is by building reconciliation between its great traditions. That means working the common ground and making the new Northern Ireland a success. The question has surely moved from whether the new North is a region to how we make it work as a vibrant and prosperous region of a new and agreed Ireland.

Claudy report findings are sickening

Colleagues have spoken eloquently and powerfully about today’s Police Ombudsman’s Report into the Claudy bombings. None more so the Ivan Cooper.

Its findings are sickening. The victims and their families were let down by the police, the government and the church. The so called republican’s – IRA men – who planted the bombs have never had the courage to accept responsibility for their actions. Even today Sinn Fein spokespeople are spinning on the report’s findings rather the facing up to their responsibilities.

Today’s report tells us one thing we already knew. That there was collusion to protect a priest who deserved to be tried and subjected to the full rigours of the justice system.

There are also lessons for the new Northern Ireland in this report.

The first is that political policing always fails. The RUC were wrong to ‘protect’ the church and the lack of accountability made that possible. That’s why the SDLP wants MI5’s involvement in security here ended. As long as there are those who are not accountable with influence over policing there will always be the possibility of another cover up.

The second is that the legacy of the past is the present. We need to develop a mechanism to deal with the past and provide truth to those who seek it. Ignoring the problem or simply wishing it away will never address the right to some sort of closure victims and their families have.

Who controls intelligence

The world of intelligence gathering is my definition a complicated one. Who secret services are accountable to and how has long exercised legislatures across the developed world.

During the troubles we had an unaccountable special branch operating within the RUC. Some believed it to be a force within a force, acting on the margins of permissability and with an agenda of its own. The key issue was the lack of accountability.

The SDLP argued long and hard for intelligence gathering and functions to be devolved along with policing and justice. We opposed SF and the DUP’s desire to see MI5, a secret organisation accountable to no organ of government on this island, being given responsibility for security and intelligence.

In fact despite claims by the British government many wonder whether MI5 is accountable even to them.

The dissidents say Britain’s presence in Ireland is the justification for their actions. The fact that SF has left security in MI5’s hands is mana from heaven for those looking an excuse to kill. It also undermines accountable policing. SF ducked responsibility for security and now we are paying the price.

Security services are a necessary evil. Our argument is that they should be locally accountable. That’s why the SDLP favours the devolution of such responsibilities to the PSNI. We want intelligence services on the island of Ireland working together and accountable to the people of Ireland, North and South.

That’s what we told NIO Minister Hugo Swire when we met him earlier.

McCluskey Summer School programmme 2010

The 3rd McCluskey Civil Rights Summer School will take place at
The Heritage Centre (Old CoI Holy Trinity Church), Carlingford, Co Louth on August 28, 2010

“THE LEGACY OF THE CIVIL RIGHTS CAMPAIGN”

The Summer School will, this year, examine the long-term legacy of the Civil Rights agitation, and where it has brought us today. We ask a number of serious questions. How might things have turned out had there been no recourse to violence? What is the future for moderate nationalism and moderate Unionism, now that each has been eclipsed within its own community, by the supposedly more “extreme” parties on both sides? Can the present Executive survive, and bed down? And if it falls, can the “centre parties” take the weight again, and regain the necessary voting strength? The four sessions of the Summer School are devoted to discussion of these questions. In each session the Chair will open the discussion with a short address, setting out the main issues needing debate, and perhaps offering a personal view in brief terms. The chair will then introduce the contributors who will speak for about 15 minutes each, leaving an hour for audience participation, (moderated by the Chair), by way of questions, or the offering of viewpoints.

PROGRAMME

Saturday 28th August 2010

9.30amRegistration and Refreshments

10.30-12.00
How might the Civil Rights campaign have developed, had there been no “armed struggle”?

Chair: Dr. Brendan Lynn

Austin Currie
Danny Morrison

12.00-1.30
What is the Future of Constitutional Nationalism?

Chair: Dr. Eamon Phoenix

Margaret Ritchie MP MLA
Dr. Martin Mansergh TD

3.00-4.30
What is the Future of Progressive/Liberal Unionism?

Chair: Prof. Arthur Aughey

Tom Elliot MLA
Roy Garland

4.30-6.00
If the present Executive falls…. is there an alternative?
(Can we go back to the centre?)

Chair: A.N. Other

Alex Attwood MLA
David McKittrick

Rioting is costing us dear. Make no mistake about it.

Today in the Irish Times, Frances McDonnell, gives voice to many in business and civil society who can see last week as another setback for the reconstruction of our city and region.

Northern Ireland’s recent impromptu summer camp for underage rioters could seriously undermine efforts to drum up enthusiasm for the next US-NI Economic Conference, according to senior business figures.

Four nights of what one heavyweight referred to as “mindless violence” on certain streets in North Belfast could deter potential US investors considering the North as an investment location, several local business leaders have warned.

The North will have to foot the bill for the financial cost of the rioting. But there is another hidden cost which is not easily calculated. A lot of people, particularly Declan Kelly, the US economic envoy to the North, have been working hard behind the scenes to persuade senior US executives to take a fresh look at Northern Ireland.

The US-NI Economic Conference, scheduled to take place on October 19th in Washington, aims to showcase the business case for investing in the North. Securing the attendance of “leading executives from targeted sectors” can only become more difficult with images of children firing stones at riot police crisp in their minds?

The real cost of those four nights of rioting will become frighteningly real if the conference fails to live up to its potential. Kelly has promoted the advantages of the North at length – from its well-educated workforce to its high-speed connectivity and low operating cost environment. And he has been vocal in highlighting that it has one of the most competitive wage environments in Europe.

But let’s face it, in the current economic environment, potential investors can probably lay down any wish list in any location. It is doubtful if any will have “annual riots in July please” pencilled in.

In one sense, it is hard not to feel sorry for Kelly, special economic advisor to a region apparently bent on self-destruction.

Perhaps, before the conference, a few self-help classes might be in order. Among the first to attend should be the Executive’s subcommittee on the economy.

Set up in May, with a remit to “develop an economic strategy for the North” and chaired by Arlene Foster, the Northern Ireland Minister for Enterprise, it boasts the Ministers for Finance, Regional Development, and Education as members

To be tough on riots we need to get tough on the causes of rioting

There is a direct link between those who are the cannon fodder for dissident republicans out to drag this city past and deprivation.
The vast majority of teenagers rioting in recent days are the product of failed homes. Many will not have known positive role models and have grown up around the myth that hard men and true republicans are those who fight the cops and riot on the streets. They are aping what the previous generation of republicans did and think this is how to prove yourself a big man.

It is time to acknowledge that SF and the DUP’s approach to parading and community relations will do nothing to break this cycle.

A separate but equal vision of a new Northern Ireland won’t address the underlying prejudice evident on our streets. Nor will seeking to repoliticise the parading issue prevent those who seek to destroy our future from seeking conflict from individual parades. Instead of tackling inequality, poverty and prejudice we seem more intent on perpetuating it.

It is time to accept that a serious a deep community relations and reconciliation policy is needed. Not the flawed CSI but a policy which will challenge us all from the highest office to the community groups to change the way we relate to each other.

Children should also be put at the heart of everything we do. As a region we treat children very poorly. We don’t invest in early years or primary schools and only last month Caoitriona Ruane withdrew important funding for community relations work with young people. Then we wonder why children from vulnerable households come out to riot.

Finally it is time to acknowledge that playing politics with the parading issue is dangerous and irresponsible. The DUP and SF should withdraw their flawed public assemblies and parades bill and get around the table with all the parties to design a policy which seeks to keep politics out of parades.

There is a report out today from the Ulster Bank saying the Northern economy is going nowhere yet the First Minister berated me in the Assembly last month when I suggested that was so.

Its time for the big two parties to stop ignoring the elephant in the room in their own parties and start tackling the real inequalities and the need for true reconciliation across our region.

We will be meeting the Chief Constable later. There is much to discuss but the ultimate solution to all this does not lie with him.

The sad reality of the Twelfth in Belfast

Every year our little street pays a high price for being on the Belfast 12th of July’s parade route.

We like many residents across the city of all political and religious outlooks and none are involuntarily hemmed in to our houses because of the Orange Orders continued insistence to march through residential areas.

This is, in my mind, the single biggest barrier to the transformation of the Twelfth. 

As long as the Loyal Orders insist on walking along streets full of homes, they will create the perception of coat trailing. No matter what way you dress it up, if you are not an Orange supporter and 10,000 men with bands come marching up your street flying union flags, as happens on mine, it feels like an invasion. When they leave their litter behind and use your walls and latrines, it feels like a violation. I would not presume to speak for my neighbours but I suspect they feel the same way.

This does not happen when parades pass through city centres, which by definition are neutral places. That is why I believe Orange Parades should respect residential areas and focus on creating welcoming celebrations of their culture and faith in neutral spaces and not on residential streets.

The real proof of change in the Orange Order will be an acknowledgement that this is so.

There is undoubtedly still a perception gap between what the Order says and what people see on the ground. Take my own experience for example. I live off a major arterial route in South Belfast. I am not going to take the position that Orange feet have no right to be on that road but I do believe that with rights come responsibilities. Ours is a little cul-de-sac which means we are ‘locked in’ during the parade.

a couple of years ago were at home for the day. The morning procession passed off without too much ado but on the return walk back into the city things were pretty bad. I counted 56 people (many in sashes) using our little street as a toilet. All in all the parade took two hours to pass. After about an hour I gave up on the toilet count and retreated to the back garden but had to confront reality when a group of young girls from a band came knocking on the door begging to use the loo. I would love to have spoken to the adult responsible for these young ladies. They are entitled to access to basic facilities from the parade organisers.

If the Orange Order is serious about shifting public perceptions then surely the time has arrived when it should provide portaloos, litter points and properly marshal its flagship parade. Most of my neighbours have the economic means to leave on the Twelfth. This is a major reason why this part of Belfast has to date been happy to live and let live. That is no excuse for bringing tens of thousands on to the streets and making inadequate arrangements for them.

Rape conviction rates worrying

It is very important that we fully implement recommendations from a report by the Criminal Justice Inspection NI (CJI) into how cases of sexual violence are handled within the criminal justice system out today.

The findings of this report expose a poor attitude within the criminal justice system to sex crime.

It is an absolute disgrace that we have such a dangerously low rape conviction rate in the North and that the justice system is designed to make proceedings more difficult for victims.

It must also be realised that while 25 per cent of rape cases come before the courts, these are only incidents which have actually been reported to the police as figures do not take into account the many attacks which are unreported by victims.

Rape still remains taboo in many communities and the Public Prosecution Service, the PSNI and the Department of Justice have a hell of a lot of work to do to restore victims’ confidence that perpetrators will be found, prosecuted and convicted.

New politics needed

I had a short article in yesterday’s Belfast Telegraph about the need for a new politics here:

It is time to renew the politics of Northern Ireland. To bring forward a new generation, energetic on the ground, in touch with workers and families and dedicated to making this region work.

People are being let down by old IRA men and a generation of hard-line unionists who wanted power but cannot work together. They know the DUP-SF coalition isn’t working. Thousands are losing their jobs and good companies are being put to the wall.

Truth is, the current coalition is also built on inequality.

That a nationalist will never be able to hold the justice ministry because Sinn Fein negotiated away their right to do so is not just a denial of the SDLP’s mandate, it is an act of outstanding political and social discrimination, the epitome on inequality.

This inequality is also evident on the streets. It fuels the prejudice that boiled over last summer in naked racism.

It’s in the flags that are flown every year on our roads. It was on the streets of Belfast this Christmas and in the internet hate groups.

It’s in the gerrymandering of the constituency boundaries and the privatisation of education.

We still spend £1.5bn a year servicing sectarianism. That’s £10,000 out of all our pockets to accommodate the bigotry the DUP and Sinn Fein rely on.

When Sammy Wilson comes looking for water rates, we need politicians in the middle ground reminding voters that he should be tackling the cost of bigotry. It is time to offer voters something better then the DUP-SF coalition.

Cooperating in the interests of this region is not a denial of identity; it is an expression of confidence and ambition for the north and this island. It’s real patriotism, not partitionism.

Over the next year, nationalist politicians who are interested in making this region work can show the electorate that we have a |future. We can challenge unionism to come to the table and talk about the issues that matter. Their future is not in Hatfield House talking to English Tories; it is here in Ireland talking about how we can make this region and this island work.

Durkan’s Saville Speech in Commons

It is already being described as one of the finest contributions made it the British Parliament for many years.

This is Mark Durkan’s speech in the House of Commons on the day the Saville Report was published.